The Bid for Recognition: The Enduring Cost of Being Unrecognized

By: Megan Hall 

Kosovo is a tiny, landlocked country in the Balkan region of Europe, tucked between Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia. The Kosovo Assembly declared independence on February 17, 2008, and over 110 countries have recognized Kosovo as a country.[1] The International Court of Justice ruled this declaration to be legal in June 2010, leaving Serbia few avenues to dispute Kosovo’s independence.[2] However, it still seeks full international recognition and is still not a member of the United Nations or European Union.[3]

Kosovo is a small region, slightly larger than Delaware.[4] It is the second poorest country in Europe with a GDP of $10,400 in 2017.[5] The modern boundaries were established after World War II when Kosovo was an autonomous province of Serbia in Yugoslavia.[6] During its history since the Ottoman Empire, Kosovo has seen a lot of ethnic conflict. In the 7th century, ethnic Serbs moved into Kosovo, which then became the center of the Serbian Empire.[7] During the Ottoman Empire, a large number of Turks and Albanians moved into the region, and Albanians became the dominant ethnicity at the end of the 19th century.[8] Albanian nationalism increased during the 1980s, calling for Kosovo independence. In 1991, Albanian leaders called for Kosovo independence, which led to Serbian leaders taking repressive measures against Albanians during the 1990s.[9]

In 1998, Serbia launched a brutal campaign against the Albanians in Kosovo.[10] An estimated 300,000 Albanians were expelled from their homes by October 1998 by the Serbian Army.[11] A ceasefire between the Serbian Army and the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) occurred in October 1998.[12] Fighting renewed in the new year, and NATO forces became involved in March 1999.[13] After 78 days of airstrikes, the Serbian leader capitulated and withdrew, leaving a NATO Peacekeeping force in place.[14] Finally, in April 2013, Serbia and Kosovo signed the Brussels Agreement, the first agreement since the conflict to provide for a way to normalize relations between the two countries.[15] Still, Serbia refuses to recognize the country, and China and Russia back Serbian claims to the region.[16]

NATO has continued to have a presence in Kosovo with 355 personnel deployed as of March 2018.[17] The United Nations Security Council authorized the establishment of a civil presence in Kosovo in Resolution 1244 on June 10, 1999.[18] The international community recognized the ongoing human rights crisis in Kosovo and responded. However, much of Kosovo’s current malaise can be traced back to this crisis, as it was never properly resolved.

By the end of the conflict in June 1999, an estimated 4,400 people were missing.[19] The International Commission on Missing Persons has used DNA matching to identify those missing but around 1,700 people remain unidentified.[20] In Kosovo today, the youth unemployment hovers around 60% and the average age is 26.[21] The population of Kosovo is young and poor and stuck in a mire assisted by the lack of international recognition.

A country being recognized by other countries around the world means the country can actively take part in international law. Because it is not recognized by # countries, Kosovo is not a member of the European Union. Without membership, Kosovo citizens cannot freely move throughout the European Union. Thus, the borders are closed, and Kosovo youth are trapped in an economy with few opportunities. Other issues also persisted, like a lack of a postal system or SWIFT codes.[22] Kosovo lacked a postal service and relied upon Albania’s, which created issues with sending or receiving goods.[23] Similarly, Kosovo banks did not have SWIFT codes, making transferring money more difficult.[24] In 2017, Brookings estimated that the cost of the lack of recognition was the equivalent of a 14% tariff when trading with Kosovo, which is enormous.[25]

Serbia is also not a member of the European Union but has been told that it could join in 2025 provided it resolves its conflict with Kosovo and carries out some reforms at home.[26] Similar to Kosovo, Serbia is a small country, slightly smaller than North Carolina.[27] However, the Serbian economy has not suffered to the same degree as the Kosovo economy. Its GDP per capita was $15,200 in 2017, and its unemployment rate is around 16%.[28] Although this is relatively high, it is significantly lower than its neighbor’s rates.[29] Still, it too seeks full international recognition.

The resolution of the Serbian-Kosovo conflict and the official recognition of an independent Kosovo by the full international community would help move this region out of the mire it has wallowed in since the 1990s. Continuing non-recognition poses a large economic cost. Kosovo has a large youth population and not giving them the freedom to move within the European Union and find opportunities to work hinders the European Union as well as Kosovo. Recognition would likely boost trade, increasing opportunities for the entire region. Finally, official recognition might be enough to finally push to heal the wounds still festering from the ethnic conflict. The 1,700 people should be identified and the people who suffered through the War should be able to finally feel a sense of peace and hope in the region.



[1] Kosovo, Central Intelligence Agency, (last accessed Apr. 23, 2018).  

[2] Peter Beaumont, Kosovo’s Independence is Legal, UN Court Rules, The Guardian, Jul. 22, 2010,

[3] Kosovo, Central Intelligence Agency, (last accessed Apr. 23, 2018).

[4] Id.

[5] Id.

[6] Id.

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Id.

[10] Niel Tweedie, Kosovo War: Thousands Killed as Serb Forces Tried to Keep Control of Province, The Telegraph, Mar. 31, 2009,

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Id.

[14] Id.

[15] Piotr Smolar, Serbia and Kosovo Sign Historic Agreement, The Guardian, Apr. 30, 2013,

[16] The Associated Press, Kosovo Marks Progress, if not Universal Recognition, on 10th Anniversary, CNBC News,

[17] United Nations Peacekeeping, “UNMIK Fact Sheet”, (last accessed Apr. 23, 2017).  

[18] S.C. Res. 1244 (June 10, 1999).  

[19] Kosovo, International Commission on Missing Persons, (last accessed Apr. 23, 2017).

[20] Id.

[21] Kosovo, Central Intelligence Agency, (last accessed Apr. 23, 2018).  

[22] Jieun Choi, The Costs of Not Being Recognized as a Country: The Case of Kosovo, Brookings, Nov. 16, 2017,

[23] Id.  

[24] Id.  

[25] Id.  

[26] Ivana Sekularac, Serbs Won’t Back Kosovo Recognition for EU Seat, President Warns, Reuters, Feb. 16, 2018,

[27] Kosovo, Central Intelligence Agency, (last accessed Apr. 23, 2018).

[28] Id.

[29] Id.

India’s Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act: Anticipating Clarification of the Crèche Clause

Sarah Faris 

Roughly a decade after the adoption of India’s Constitution in 1950, the nation implemented several pieces of legislature specifically geared towards promoting women’s participation in the workplace.[1] One such piece of legislation, entitled the Maternity Benefits Act of 1961, was revisited and amended just last year in March 2017.[2]   This amendment reflects an expansion of the rights of pregnant, working mothers and families with young children in general. 

The original 1961 version of the Maternity Benefits Act implemented paid leave for mothers.[3] Specifically, it provided mothers with twelve, fully paid weeks of leave, which could either all be used post-delivery or split up between pre and post delivery usage.[4]  The Act protected women from being fired while on maternity leave.[5] Even upon the expiration of leave, the Act included provisions favoring nursing mothers.  Until a child had reached the age of fifteen months, it was required that the mother be permitted two nursing breaks during the workday, in addition to the normally allotted breaks.[6]

The Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act of 2017 builds upon these provisions.  The Act further extends the amount of paid leave time available to mothers, providing twenty-six weeks of paid maternity leave for new mothers.[7]  A mother of two or more, however, will still adhere to the twelve-week leave system that had previously been in place.  The same split-time opportunity from the 1961 version, allotting six weeks before and after birth, is still available to second time mothers.[8] First time mothers may use up to eight weeks of leave before birth, and eighteen weeks once the baby has arrived.[9] In addition to these accommodations for prepartum and postpartum mothers, provisions are set in place for mothers who have legally adopted babies as well.[10] If the child is younger than three months old when adopted, the new mother is allowed twelve weeks leave, starting at the time that the child is placed in their care.[11] 

Interestingly, rather than merely expanding the time frame of maternity leave, notable amendments also address childcare after leave has terminated.  For example, there is a new provision specifically allowing the mother and employer to negotiate additional terms of leave in situations where work can be completed from home.[12]  Perhaps most notable, however, is the new crèche facility requirement. 

Although the laws became effective as of July 1, 2017, logistical detailed requirements for the crèche facilities have yet to be released, but are expected November 2018.[13]  Until that time, however, existing crèche facility laws set in place by the Factories Act of 1948 are to be followed.[14] These include basic requirements, such as maintaining adequate ventilation and sanitation at the facility and ensuring that children receive care from trained childcare professionals.[15] Additionally, while the Factories Act recognizes crèche facilities as accommodating children up to the age of six, it is important to clarify whether or not this approach will be maintained.[16] 

There are, however, some major differences between the Factories Act provisions, and those provided for in the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, which indicate some notable changes.  In an opinion piece by Gerald Manoharan and Sonakshi Das, these attorneys speak to the importance of providing uniform, streamlined guidelines for these facilities.[17]  They point out that the Factories Act of 1948 provided significant discretion to the States to determine the specifics for implementing facilities, within their localities and industries.[18] Specifically, the Act includes an entire subsection providing that the State Government may make specific rules concerning issues such as the location of facilities, standards for the rooms, provisions of refreshments, and feeding times.[19]   However, such state discretion is noticeably missing from the Amendment, and may prove to be difficult to implement until a uniform approach is spelled out.[20]

Accordingly, there are additional components to the amendment that should hopefully receive clarification in the upcoming months.  For one, the language of the amendment states that the location of the crèche facility must be within “such distance as prescribed,” for “every establishment having fifty or more employees.”[21]  This location requirement appears to be ambiguous as it is currently adopted.  

According to a June publication of The Tribune India, a senior official was quoted as having stated, “As of now, companies can take a leeway as we have not defined within what distance a crèche should be opened by an employer.  We are yet to bring that into the rules and then have to notify that in a couple months[.]”[22]  While this leeway perhaps allows employers some freedom in determining the best manner of implementing crèche facilities based on their specific situations, it seems that it will be important for them to be away of what types of restrictions may or may not be adopted before any serious planning is underway.  For example, if a company must purchase additional space nearby their facility to accommodate the needs of their employees, it would be vital to know the distance that is required prior to making such a purchase. 

Another key aspect of the language, as mentioned above, identifies that crèche facilities are to be maintained near any establishment that has fifty or more employees.  The use of the term “employees,” without the caveat of “female” or “mother,” suggest that the crèche facility would be a requirement whether mother or father are employed.[23]  This increases the scope of the law, recognizing the need for childcare as one that is not gender-defined, and the role of both parents as caretakers.  This is certainly a contrast from the language used in the Factories Act of 1948, where the crèche is to be provided only in factories where thirty women are regularly employed.[24]

This new legislation is an incredible step, then, in addressing the needs of childcare for working families.  However, it appears that there is some concern as to the manner in which the crèche facilities will be implemented.  Whereas previously there was local discretion provided as to the specific logistics of the facilities, this new amendment appears to be an attempt at a more universal method.  With that in mind, then, the language of the upcoming specifications will be important for determining how well this can truly be implemented. 



[1] Ujvala Rajadhyaksha & Swati Smita, Tracing a Timeline for Work and Family Research in India, Economic and Political Weekly, 1674-80, 1675, (Apr. 24, 2004). 

[2] Raavi Birbal, Creche Clause in Maternity Act Depends on Execution, New Indian Express (May 27, 2017),

[3] Supra Rajadhyaskha, note 1 at 1675. 

[4] Id.

[5] Id.

[6] Id. 

[7] Matt Turner & Anushree Singh, Here’s how Much Paid Leave New Mothers and Father get in 11 Different Countries, Business Insider (Sept. 7, 2017),

[8] Id. 

[9] Id.

[10] The Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017, Gazette of India, pt. II, sec. 1 (Mar. 28, 2017)

[11] Id. 

[12] Id. 

[13] S.S. Rana & Co. Associates, India: Creche Facility Under Maternity Benefit Amendment Act, 2017, mondaq (Jan. 29, 2018)

[14] Id.   

[15] Id. 

[16] Anushree Sharma, All you Need to Know about the Crèche Facility Provision, People Matters (May 30, 2017)

[17] Gerald Manoharan & Sonakshi Das, Crèche is not Kid’s Play: Bridging Gaps- Crèche Facility Under the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017,  Live Law.In (June 22, 2017),

[18] Id. 

[19] Factories Act, 1948, No. 63, Act of Parliament (1948, sec. 48,

[20] Supra Manoharan & Das, note 14. 

[21] The Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017, Gazette of India, pt. II, sec. 1 (Mar. 28, 2017)

[22] Creche May Soon be a Must in Offices with 50 Employees, Tribune India (July 17, 2017)

[23] Supra Sharma, note 13. 

[24] Factories Act, 1948, No. 63, Act of Parliament (1948, sec. 48,

Why Iraqi-Kurdistan Peace Depends on Constitutional Consensus

Why Iraqi-Kurdistan Peace Depends on Constitutional Consensus

By: Marlene Zieah.

The Iraqi government has reclaimed disputed territory under KRG control since 2014. These actions were triggered by the KRG’s recent referendum on independence. In order to solve the issues facing both parties, they will have to revisit critical unclear provisions in the Iraqi constitution, specifically those dealing with rights to self-government and control over oil and gas reserves.

(Safin Hamed/AFP/Getty Images)

Read More

Are We Catching the Bad Guys?: Do International Human Trafficking Laws Hold Perpetrators Accountable?

By: Kelly McClintock.

Reading a headline about human trafficking has become common, especially via social media. News and social media headlines seem to suggest human trafficking crimes are increasing. Is this really the case? If so, and more importantly, what is being done to catch and prosecute the perpetrators of human trafficking crimes?

Read More

The Impacts of Jewish Law on Policies and Law in Israel

The Impacts of Jewish Law on Policies and Law in Israel

By: Sophie Goodman.

Both religion and secular laws are entrenched in Israel’s legal system. This is due to the fact that being Jewish is both a nationality and religion. Thus, Jewish law has been integrated into Israel’s legal system, but there are continued issues with how much Jewish law to use in a secular legal system.

Image credit: Sophie Goodman.

Read More

Medical Device Regulation in South Africa: What's Next?

Medical Device Regulation in South Africa: What's Next?

By: Angela Gamalski.

As medical device technology expands, so does the need for regulation to assure that patients are protected from malfunctioning devices. South Africa expanded its medical device regulation, modeled on the EU’s medical device directive, just prior to the 2017 Medical Device Regulation. What does this mean for South African technology innovators?

Image credit:

Read More